Milei in Jerusalem: A diplomatic lifeline amid growing isolation - analysis
Milei’s visit offers Israel a rare diplomatic respite—a moment of warmth and alignment in an otherwise chilly international climate.
In a world where Israel is increasingly being shunned, condemned, and isolated, the sight of a foreign head of state making not just a symbolic visit to Jerusalem – but a warm, supportive, ideologically aligned one – stands out.
That head of state is Javier Milei, Argentina’s president, whose current visit to Israel is not only politically significant but also symbolically powerful.
At a time when European capitals are threatening sanctions, arms boycotts, and the unilateral recognition of a Palestinian state, Milei is in Jerusalem announcing new direct flights, reiterating his plan to move Argentina’s embassy to the capital, and embracing Israel with a fervor that goes well beyond diplomacy.
After arriving on Tuesday, he went directly to the Western Wall, where he declared, “My support for Israel comes from the heart because I believe this is a just cause – the cause of the West. I will always stand by your side.”
It’s a striking contrast. Over the last two weeks, Barcelona’s city council voted to cut ties with Israel and suspend its friendship agreement with Tel Aviv; Ireland’s Trinity College Dublin severed all links with Israel; and voices across the EU grew louder in demanding punitive measures. In this climate, Milei’s visit is not just a show of solidarity; it’s a political statement. And a rare one.
Argentina is currently among Israel’s closest allies – not because of some structural realignment of Latin American diplomacy, but because Milei is in office. And that could change with a single election.
The fragility of such leader-dependent relationships is something the country is becoming increasingly aware of. For instance, Israel had a very close relationship with Brazil when Jair Bolsonaro was president, a relationship that took a nosedive when current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva took over on January 1, 2023. And this dynamic is not restricted to South America.
Israel’s relationship with Canada would have been much improved, it is fair to assume, had the Liberal Party’s Mark Carney not defeated Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre in April’s election there. The same is true in Australia, had the Liberal Party’s Peter Dutton beaten Labor’s Anthony Albanese in that country’s recent election.
And even in the US, would the tenor of Israel-US ties be the same today had Kamala Harris won last November’s election?
All this highlights a persistent dynamic: Israeli diplomacy is increasingly beholden to the personalities in power elsewhere and is at the mercy of any country’s political turnover. While this may have always been the case, it feels more acute now.
Spotlight on Israel’s ties with Latin America
Milie’s visit places a spotlight on Israel’s ties with Latin America, a region Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu invested heavily in about a decade ago. In 2017, he made a groundbreaking trip to Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico – the first such visit by a sitting Israeli prime minister. The trip was part of a broader diplomatic strategy aimed at expanding ties with countries outside of North America and Europe. At the time, new doors were opening for Israel in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.Yet much of that momentum proved fleeting. The warm ties Netanyahu built with Argentina’s then-president Mauricio Macri cooled under his successor. In Brazil, the pendulum swung dramatically – from Dilma Rousseff’s criticism to Bolsonaro’s embrace back to Lula’s hostility. In Colombia, once a strong ally, relations have now been severed.
Looking back, that 2017 push into Latin America feels less like a turning point and more like a high-water mark – one that proved vulnerable to the ebb and flow of election cycles. But the erosion of support isn’t only political; it’s also public. As the Israel-Hamas War drags on and devastating images dominate screens worldwide, public sentiment has turned sharply. And when public opinion shifts, leaders often follow.
That dynamic is playing out across Europe. The increasingly critical tones of Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer and France’s President Emmanuel Macron reflect more than policy – they reflect changing public moods and changing demographics.
And those moods are quantifiable. According to a Pew Research Center survey of 24 countries released last week, a majority of adults in 20 of those countries now hold an unfavorable view of Israel, including, for the first time, in the US, where the share of adults with a negative view rose by 11 percentage points between March 2022 and March 2025 and now stands at 53%.
In Australia, Greece, Japan, the Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden, three-quarters or more view Israel negatively. The United Kingdom saw unfavorable views rise from 44% in 2013 to 61% in 2025.
These aren’t just momentary fluctuations. Compared with the previous Pew survey in 2013, the long-term trajectory is clear: Israel’s global image has deteriorated significantly in much of the world.
In seven out of 10 countries where data was available for both 2013 and 2025, unfavorable views of Israel have increased dramatically, with the images from the war and the constant drumbeat of negative – and often false – news about Israel taking a toll. What was once a peripheral concern is now a central challenge.
There are exceptions. In Kenya and Nigeria, roughly half or more of adults still hold favorable views of Israel. In India, opinions remain more divided, with 34% being favorable and 29% unfavorable. But the broader trend, particularly across the West, is one of rising negativity.
And in that context, Milei’s visit stands out even more. Argentina’s president isn’t just coming to Israel; he’s embracing it unapologetically. He’s pledging deeper economic ties, he’s pushing for the embassy move, and he’s even donating his Genesis Prize money toward regional efforts to combat antisemitism and deepen Latin American-Israeli ties. This is ideological alignment.
Still, the caution remains. Argentina’s economy is fragile. Milei’s shock therapy reforms have drawn attention, but the political clock is ticking. If he loses power and a less supportive leader takes over, the embrace could evaporate overnight.
This brings us back to the core issue: Israel’s foreign policy today is built on personalities, not permanence. When leaders like Milei or Bolsonaro are in charge, ties flourish. But those ties often leave office with them.
That is a fragile way to do diplomacy.
That fragility is especially acute in Latin America. Once a promising arena for Israeli outreach, the region is now fragmented. Colombia has broken ties. Bolivia and Belize have followed suit. Even Chile and Honduras – once considered moderate in their views toward Israel – have taken sharply critical positions.
Some of this is ideological. The rise of the Latin American Left, with its historic affinity with the Palestinians and historic resentment of the US, has shifted the region’s balance. But some of it is also demographic and cultural. The region’s large Arab diaspora communities have political clout, particularly in countries such as Brazil and Chile. By contrast, the Jewish populations in these countries are small, and their political weight is limited.
Yet all is not lost. Milei’s visit is a reminder that the pendulum can swing the other way. Just as alliances can sour quickly, they can also be rebuilt – if the political winds blow in Israel’s favor. In Latin America, there may be a longer-term opportunity, as it is home to a growing evangelical movement that is pro-Israel.
That evangelical support helped power Bolsonaro’s alliance with Israel, and it may yet shape politics in other countries in the region as well. It’s a trend Jerusalem would do well to watch and try to cultivate.
But that’s down the line. For now, Milei’s visit offers Israel a rare diplomatic respite – a moment of warmth and alignment in an otherwise chilly international climate. It’s a reminder that not every capital is turning away and that friends and allies do still exist, even beyond the US.