Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is preparing in Washington for one of his most important meetings in recent years with President Trump.
Netanyahu has the honor of being the first leader invited for an official meeting, receiving the full protocol, including the Blair House and an official dinner. This recalls the positive atmosphere of the first official visit in February 2017, in which I had the privilege of participating—both in its preparation and in the meeting itself—as Acting National Security Advisor.
The discussion will cover crucial and urgent issues for both leaders, even if there are expected differences in approach on some of them. From my experience in the previous meeting (and in many that followed), the warm and close personal relationship between the leaders is of utmost importance in reaching as many agreements as possible. This time, the topics at hand are at the core of Israel’s national security.
Naturally, the focus is on the ceasefire in Gaza and the beginning of negotiations for the second phase of the hostage deal. However, it is essential to remember that the most central and critical issue on the agenda is the need for a determined and joint effort to counter Iran’s nuclear ambitions, its aggressive regional behavior, and its continued support for terrorism.
In addition to discussions on Gaza and Iran, other topics will include the ceasefire in Lebanon, the collapse of Assad’s regime in Syria and the rise of Al-Julani, a potential normalization with Saudi Arabia and its implications, the new US aid agreement (MOU), and other strategic matters.
Discussions about Iran
When IAEA Chairman Grossi states that Iran must reach an understanding with the Trump administration to avoid another military confrontation in the Middle East, and when some administration officials do not rule out the possibility of a new and improved deal with Iran, it reflects a fundamentally flawed and highly dangerous approach.
Even discussions about the possibility of entering negotiations with Iran are perilous. The question should not be what a future good agreement sould look like, but rather what preconditions Iran must meet before any negotiations can begin.
The current status of Iran’s nuclear program does not allow for an agreement that would be acceptable, one that will prevent Iran from continuing its nuclear activities, as Iran is unlikely to agree to such terms. Any resolution must address all three components of Iran’s nuclear program: fissile materials, weaponization, and delivery systems.
Negotiations can only begin after rolling back all the capabilities Iran has developed since 2009—and even earlier—including full compliance with the UN Security Council resolutions that were in place before the signing of the disastrous JCPOA.
Fissile materials (uranium and plutonium) and the technology for their production must be entirely banned on Iranian soil and monitored by the IAEA. All built capabilities—conversion and enrichment facilities, centrifuges and raw materials for their construction, stockpiled enriched material at all levels, heavy water reactors, and similar infrastructure—must be completely dismantled. On this issue, there is no room for negotiations.
Moreover, the Prime Minister must clarify to the President that the strategic priorities of 2015 have shifted. Even a severe strike that destroys Iran’s enrichment facilities in Natanz and Qom—whether by Israel alone or in coordination with US capabilities, including platforms and bombs currently not in Israel’s possession—may not be sufficient.
In some cases, such an attack could even be counterproductive if not accompanied by a simultaneous and severe blow to Iran’s weaponization program, resolution of past weaponization efforts, and addressing the already-enriched uranium to 60%. With this enriched Uranium A small number of advanced centrifuges and a deeply buried underground facility could still lead Iran to a nuclear weapon.
At the same time, efforts must continue to weaken the Iranian regime until the Iranian people overthrow the oppressive dictatorship that rules over them.
Additionally, Israel must prepare for a broad confrontation with Iran to eliminate the primary existential threat to its continued existence.
Second phase of Gaza ceasefire
As expected, the first phase of the agreement is progressing, and our hearts are filled with joy as the hostages reunite with their families. The price Israel is paying at this stage is heavy but still manageable. However, the second phase is expected to be far more challenging.
While we all wish to see all the hostages safely home as soon as possible and the fallen laid to rest in Israel, it must not come at any cost. The Prime Minister must convince the President that Israel cannot afford to forfeit the military achievements in Gaza and allow Hamas to continue ruling the Strip.
Instead, Israel must prepare, with US support, for the continuation—and even escalation—of military operations alongside the return of the hostages, despite the inherent contradiction between the two.Strategic Defense Shift
The “Nagel Committee”, which recently submitted its recommendations, emphasized the necessity of a big shift in Israel’s security strategy. The shift must be from a doctrine of containment and defense to a doctrine of prevention and offense. While this is true for Gaza, it is even more relevant for Lebanon, Syria, Judea and Samaria, and any other threat. Israel must not allow any entity—state or terrorist organization—to pose a threat on its borders or from a distance.
The newly appointed IDF Chief of Staff, Major General (res.) Zamir, whom we all wish great success, has expressed similar views. Under his leadership, the IDF can implement the recommended strategic shift.
In Lebanon, the IDF is already implementing this approach, albeit not fully, by striking threats before they materialize. This must be the standard across all borders, even if it means ongoing friction and conflict.Saudi Arabia and US Aid Agreement
The Saudi issue is of great importance, and the Prime Minister himself listed it as one of his key objectives upon his reelection, following the Iranian threat. However, it is crucial not to lose focus: countering Iran and, after October 7, safeguarding Israel’s strategic interests at its borders are more pressing priorities.
The new US aid agreement will also be discussed and is of paramount importance. I strongly recommend that the Israeli team adopt the recommendations of the “Nagel Committee Report”, communicate with Trump in his own terms, and ensure that the entire budget is spent in the U.S., focusing on key platforms and American-made munitions.
Netanyahu and Trump understand each other and the Middle East exceptionally well. As in 2017, much of what will be discussed in the Oval Office will likely remain confidential—and rightly so. However, this meeting must serve as a turning point, from which Israel and the US will work hand in hand to achieve their shared strategic goals.
Brigadier General (Res.) Professor Jacob Nagel is a Senior Fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) and a Visiting Professor at the Technion – Israel Institute of Technology. Former Acting National Security Advisor to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Head of the National Security Council.