Israel’s legendary former foreign minister Abba Eban once quipped that the Palestinians “never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.” It might be time to start saying the same thing about Israel.
Because when we think about October 7, we need to view it like a coin with two sides. One is the catastrophic failure – the worst massacre of Jews on a single day since the Holocaust – and a failure that falls on both the tactical mistakes of the IDF and the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), as well as the faulty strategic policy set by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government.
But the other side of that coin tells a different story – one of regional transformation. In the 20 months since, the Middle East has been dramatically reshaped. Hezbollah has suffered a significant strategic blow, one that could – with enough courage from Lebanon’s new government and backing from the West – even lead to its collapse.
In Syria, Bashar al-Assad is gone, and while his successor, Ahmed al-Sharaa, carries a violent jihadist past, he has openly hinted at normalizing ties with Israel. Iran, meanwhile, is more vulnerable and exposed than ever after its S-300 air defense systems were destroyed by Israeli strikes. And in Gaza, even as the war drags on and the hostages remain in captivity, Hamas is a fraction of what it was on October 6.
These are real accomplishments, achieved by the very same IDF and political leadership that failed so tragically on October 7. But the critical question now is: Will Israel know what to do with the opportunities it has been handed? Will the government rise to meet this historic moment, or will it squander it in the petty and paralyzing politics of the here and now?
What will happen in Syria, Lebanon, and Gaza?
Take Syria. No one knows for certain what direction Sharaa will ultimately take. Yes, he was affiliated with al-Qaeda, but listen to what he’s been saying – to US officials, members of Congress, and even American-Jewish media. It’s not insignificant. At the very least, it demands exploration.
Yet Israel’s response has so far been silence. And while suspicion and vigilance are natural, Israel could extend its own olive branch, signaling a willingness to listen and test the new reality.
The same is true for Lebanon. Under the leadership of President Joseph Aoun, the new government is taking unprecedented steps to curb Hezbollah and block Iranian influence. Is it perfect? No. But does it have potential? Without a doubt. This is an opportunity that Israel could seize, if only it would try.
Then there’s Gaza, where the war continues without a clear direction or endgame.
To the international community, and increasingly to Israelis themselves, the conflict looks aimless.
Israel says it backs a temporary ceasefire for a hostage deal but insists the war will continue regardless. The result? Confusion and frustration.
Even people who still support the war have started asking: What exactly is the IDF trying to accomplish? What more is there to destroy?
Twenty months later, even inside Israel, the focus has shifted. While bringing the hostages home remains the national priority, many now wonder why more soldiers must continue to die if the mission itself seems directionless.
On the international front, Israel has used up all remaining credit. Even close allies – Germany, the UK, Canada, and France – have moved away. Some are openly threatening sanctions, while others are moving toward recognition of a Palestinian state. And the daylight between Washington and Jerusalem has also never been more visible.
Could things have been different? Possibly.
Imagine if, from the beginning, Israel had laid out a clear “day after” vision for Gaza. If it had explained that the military campaign was not about vengeance or destruction for its own sake but a necessary path toward a long-overdue diplomatic and political solution. That would have at least explained to people what this is all about.
INSTEAD, THE government remains quiet under the excuse that revealing a plan would kill its chances. But what the prime minister refuses to accept is that there is no such thing as a vacuum. Instead of hearing Netanyahu articulate a coherent strategy, the world hears the voices of Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich calling to resettle the Gaza Strip and promising that the war would never end.
And then we ask why global support has evaporated?
But the missed opportunities aren’t only abroad. Let’s look inward.
In May 2021, during Operation Guardian of the Walls, Israel’s mixed Jewish-Arab cities erupted in violence.
Four Israeli citizens – three Jews and one Arab – were killed, some lynched on the streets. Dozens of others were injured. In response, the IDF created a special reservist unit to keep highways open in future conflicts, fearing that in a future war Israeli-Arabs would block the military from moving forces across its different fronts.
Now ask: since October 7, how many such riots have there been? The answer: None.
Despite a war of unprecedented scale, despite tens of thousands of Palestinians killed, and despite widespread destruction in Gaza, Israeli-Arabs have not turned on their country. This presented Israel with an amazing opportunity and could have been a chance to embrace and invest in the Arab sector, where the vast majority of people were appalled by Hamas’s actions on October 7.
A responsible government would have seized this moment to foster integration, trust, and shared citizenship.
This government, though, has done nothing. And then, of course, there are the haredim (ultra-Orthodox).
Torah study will not bring the hostages home
This week, ultra-Orthodox parties threatened to bring down the government if they don’t receive the law they demand – full exemption from military service. Do they care that four IDF soldiers were killed this week?
That reservists are being called up again and again, some already serving hundreds of days over the past 20 months?
Maybe they say they do. But their actions suggest otherwise. With all due respect to Torah study – and I mean that sincerely – sitting in a yeshiva and learning Gemara is not what will defeat Hamas. It is not what will bring the hostages home.
On Thursday morning, I was on a train to Tel Aviv. In the seat across from me sat a young woman, maybe 18 or 19 years old, in an Air Force uniform. She was swaying gently, eyes closed, a small siddur in her hands.
She was saying Shacharit, the morning prayer, on her way to an IDF base somewhere in central Israel where she would face a long day of service. She wasn’t thinking about whether she would be praised or recognized, and she wasn’t asking for applause. She was simply serving – her country, her people, and her God.
At that exact moment, haredi politicians were back in Jerusalem, threatening to topple the government if their exemption wasn’t guaranteed.
But this young woman, alone with her prayer and in uniform, offered the most eloquent rebuttal to their cynicism. Not with speeches. Not with protests. But with quiet conviction and a small siddur on her lap.
She is proof that it is possible – to serve, to believe, and to carry both burden and tradition with grace. And she is one of hundreds of thousands who do just that.
The writer is a co-author of a forthcoming book, While Israel Slept, about the October 7 Hamas attacks; a senior fellow at the JPPI; and a former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post.