Historic election opens new page in the Vatican
An-Nahar, Lebanon, May 9
This swift election, concluded in less than 48 hours, sends a clear message: the cardinals sought a universal figure with theological depth, pastoral experience, and the capacity to engage with a world in flux. Observers viewed the speed of the conclave as a promising sign amid the church’s internal divisions, the declining Catholic presence in Europe, and the rise of complex moral and political crises. Prevost’s election reflects the desire to carry forward Pope Francis’ reformist agenda, tempered with a spirit of balance, reflection, and open dialogue.
Born in Chicago in 1955, Pope Leo XIV is a member of the Augustinian Order, known for its communal ethos and a spiritual tradition rooted in the teachings of St. Augustine, who championed humility, the integration of reason and faith, and the pursuit of truth. This foundation has shaped Leo XIV’s inclination toward moderation, reconciliation, and unity within the church’s diverse global community.
His years of service in Peru further deepened this orientation. For more than 15 years, he served as bishop of the Diocese of Chiclayo, a region plagued by poverty and marginalization. There, he encountered liberation theology – often called “red theology” for its Marxist undertones – which emerged in Latin America in the 1960s to reinterpret the Gospel through the lens of the poor and oppressed.
Though not a prominent advocate of the movement, which faced strong Vatican resistance, Prevost’s proximity to it strengthened his conviction that the Gospel is inseparable from justice. This conviction is visible in his advocacy on issues such as immigration, peace, and economic fairness. He believes the church must stand as a voice for the voiceless, not merely a spiritual entity removed from human suffering.
As a reformer, Pope Leo XIV echoes the spirit of Pope Francis but is more pragmatic and systematic, drawing on his academic background in mathematics, canon law, philosophy, and theology to shape thoughtful and impactful reforms, rather than symbolic or polarizing ones. On immigration, he has consistently defended migrants, especially those from Latin America, viewing them as vital members of the church. He has condemned wars as expressions of “nihilistic” violence and called on the church to be an active agent of peace through justice.
While maintaining traditional church doctrine on LGBT issues, he has adopted a more compassionate, inclusive tone. Regarding the ordination of women, he does not endorse priesthood for women but strongly supports expanding their roles in church governance, particularly in education and pastoral leadership.
As the first American pope, Leo XIV must also contend with the shifting political climate in the United States, especially with Donald Trump’s reemergence as a political force. Prevost understands the polarized nature of American society and has voiced opposition to exclusionary and discriminatory policies, especially toward immigrants and refugees. However, he is unlikely to pursue open confrontation with the Trump administration, instead favoring diplomacy, quiet influence, and constructive dialogue.
The election of Pope Leo XIV marks a historic shift: he is the first American to ascend to the papacy, symbolizing the church’s evolving universality, and he is a moderate reformer poised to harmonize the church’s ancient traditions with the demands of the modern age. In a world of uncertainty and upheaval, Leo XIV arrives as a thoughtful and spiritually grounded leader. The question now is whether he can bridge divisions within the church and guide the Vatican through the storms of politics, identity, and change. The future is near. – Antoine Khalil Aoun
Toward ongoing stability in Syria
Al-Ittihad, UAE, May 8
Since the fall of the Assad regime, Syria has experienced intermittent bouts of instability – an unsurprising outcome, given the tangled legacy left behind by decades of authoritarian rule and the devastating consequences of a protracted civil war. The new authorities have faced deep skepticism over their ability to resolve these inherited crises, especially given their ideological roots and prior conduct, which have raised concerns about their capacity to govern a society as demographically complex and diverse as Syria’s.
Nonetheless, the official rhetoric of the new leadership has projected a tone of reassurance, signaling what appears to be a sincere effort to guide Syria toward a more stable, equitable future. This narrative of transition, grounded in promises of justice and equality, may partly explain the swift diplomatic acceptance of the new government by both Arab and international actors.
Yet the optimism remains tempered by a key omission: the lack of genuine power-sharing or representation of Syria’s diversity, a shortcoming plainly evident in the 2025 interim constitution.
Even more troubling is the conduct of certain factions that were instrumental in toppling the previous regime. These groups, now operating with apparent impunity, have engaged in actions that sharply contradict the conciliatory and inclusive discourse espoused by the current leadership. Targeted abuses against specific communities have triggered outrage at home and abroad. While the new government has acknowledged these violations, going so far as to establish a committee of inquiry, no conclusive findings have emerged.
Compounding the concern, these abuses have continued, with documented evidence circulating widely in the form of video footage. In response, some domestic and sympathetic media outlets have pointed fingers at remnants of the old regime, certain societal groups, and even foreign actors, blaming them for these destabilizing behaviors.
These explanations are not entirely without merit. It is plausible that loyalists to the former regime, many of whom enjoyed privileges under its rule, are actively working to sabotage the new order. Similarly, some segments of Syrian society may naturally resist the direction of the new leadership, and foreign interference remains an undeniable reality.
However, it would be a grave mistake to believe these factors alone account for the troubling developments on the ground.
The unchecked actions of certain factions within the post-Assad coalition urgently require regulation that aligns with the official political narrative of unity and reform. If left unaddressed, these breaches risk expanding into a chasm that could threaten Syria’s fragile cohesion. This danger is especially acute as foreign powers, under the guise of protecting minorities, most of whom do not seek such protection, may find justification for deeper intervention.
Syria must act decisively to confront these challenges, not only to preserve national unity but also to deny external actors the opportunity to exploit the country’s internal tensions. At the same time, the Arab states that extended early support to the new Syrian leadership must assume a constructive role in helping the country break free from this destructive cycle. Their engagement must be wise, principled, and rooted in the shared goal of regional stability.
Despite the gravity of the situation, there remains hope. There are forces within Syria’s evolving political landscape that possess both the vision and credibility to lead the country toward a safer, more inclusive future. – Ahmed Youssef Ahmed
Ukraine: The next phase of the war
Asharq Al-Awsat, London, May 9
Students of history understand that starting a war is always easy; the real challenge lies in ending it. The war currently raging in Ukraine is no exception. The fundamental problem is that Russian President Vladimir Putin believed he knew how to end it. More than three years in, it is evident that he, like everyone else, is groping in the dark.
That “everyone else” includes US President Donald Trump, who once claimed he could end the war with a few phone calls to the “Vladimirs” – a reference to both the Russian and Ukrainian presidents, who share the same first name, albeit spelled differently. Meanwhile, global public attention has drifted from the facts on the ground to speculation about what might happen next.
As a result, the latest developments in the war have passed largely unnoticed. The war began in a manner familiar to the pages of history: Russian tanks and armored vehicles rolled into Ukrainian territory in a formation more akin to a parade than an invasion. Many assumed the overwhelming force would swiftly reach Kyiv, secure the surrender of Ukrainian leadership, install a compliant government, and restore a fraternal Slavic union.
None of that came to pass. Instead, the war evolved into a classic proxy conflict, pitting NATO countries against Russia, which is tentatively backed by a handful of allies, including Belarus, Iran, and North Korea.
Starting in early 2023, Ukrainian leadership recalibrated its strategy, opting to turn the conflict into a war of attrition. This approach, though painful, has proven effective. Ukrainian forces have slowed the Russian advance, recognizing that the invaders lacked the endurance and resolve of a defending population fighting for its homeland.
In 2024, Ukraine achieved several major military successes that went largely underreported. With help from the British navy, Ukraine managed to contain the Russian fleet within the Sea of Azov, a minor extension of the Black Sea, by sinking multiple warships.
In a shift toward asymmetric warfare, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky authorized the development of guerrilla tactics merged with advanced military technologies. One such effort, a bold raid on Kursk, fell short of full operational success but sent a chilling message: Russian territory is no longer immune to the reach of the war.
That message was amplified last week, when Ukrainian drones disabled all four of Moscow’s airports for over 14 hours. A similar earlier strike on a major arms manufacturing facility in Bryansk delivered the same warning.
In the face of labor shortages – shared by both sides – Ukraine has chosen not to rely on foreign mercenaries from Africa or North Korea. Instead, it has invested heavily in building a vast domestic drone production program. Currently producing over 200,000 drones per month, Ukraine is expected to surpass its annual target of 2.5 million units by the end of summer. For comparison, Iran, Russia’s primary drone supplier, produces less than 400,000 drones per year.
Behind this production surge is a transnational effort: hundreds of Western experts from Europe, Canada, and the US are helping Ukraine become a hub of cutting-edge military research. These efforts span from unmanned evacuation vehicles for battlefield medics to AI- and VR-driven tactical simulations. A growing network of start-ups is also contributing, optimizing combat strategies, resource allocation, and weapon combinations. In a bold move, Ukraine has earmarked a third of its defense budget for technological innovation.
These advances complement traditional guerrilla warfare training. Ukrainians carry historical memory of 1941, when the Nazi war machine swept into their country within two weeks – only to become mired in a drawn-out, losing campaign, undone by relentless partisan resistance. This year could mark a similar chapter, with Ukrainian forces likely to target Russia’s key infrastructure, starting with the $18 billion bridge connecting Crimea to the mainland. As a proving ground for next-generation warfare, Ukraine offers NATO valuable insight and leverage.
With more than half of Russia’s conventional military assets tied down in an unwinnable conflict, there may be a temptation to let the war grind on. But this would ignore the human cost – lives lost daily in what is, by all accounts, an unnecessary, unwanted, and unwinnable war. Reinforcing Ukraine’s self-defense capability should not be seen as a means to perpetuate the conflict, but as the surest path to a fair and lasting peace.
President Trump, if he is serious about mediating a ceasefire, must now approach the task with humility and realism, acknowledging that while Putin still holds powerful cards, Zelensky is far from empty-handed. – Amir Taheri
Addressing dormant commercial property in the kingdom
Okaz, Saudi Arabia, May 9
In major global cities like London, recent policies have introduced fees on vacant commercial properties to discourage hoarding and spur economic activity. In 2008, the British government amended its property tax laws to include empty retail spaces, prompting landlords to rent or use their properties instead of leaving them dormant, ultimately revitalizing key commercial districts.
A similar concept is now gaining traction in Saudi Arabia, where businessman Yazeed Al-Rajhi has proposed imposing fees on vacant commercial shops. Could this be the key to lowering rents, stimulating business activity, and achieving a more equitable dynamic between landlords and investors?
From a legal perspective, such a policy is feasible through comprehensive legislation that balances private property rights with public interest. This could take the form of a new law or amendments to existing frameworks, such as incorporating vacancy fees into the current tax system. The law could require annual fees on unused properties after a defined period, such as six months or a year.
To ensure fairness, the legislation would need clear criteria to define a vacancy, such as the absence of a valid commercial registration or evidence of business activity, and carve out exemptions for legitimate cases like ongoing renovations or unresolved legal disputes.
Revenues from these fees could be reinvested into commercial development, infrastructure upgrades, or incentive programs to support local businesses. A transparent oversight mechanism, including advance notice to property owners, would be critical to implementation.
This initiative aligns directly with the goals of Saudi Vision 2030, particularly those related to expanding private sector growth, boosting the contribution of small and medium enterprises to GDP, and creating a vibrant and competitive business environment. A phased rollout in major cities such as Riyadh, Jeddah, and Dammam could serve as a pilot, with results evaluated after a year to refine the approach before nationwide adoption.
Encouragingly, the Saudi government has already moved in this direction. Following approval by the Council of Ministers, an annual fee of 5% on the value of unused commercial properties has been introduced, with the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs and Housing tasked with execution. This includes defining vacancy standards, exemption conditions, and a pre-enforcement notification process.
Legislative provisions may also empower the relevant ministerial committee to increase the fee to 10% annually in certain cases, based on well-defined regulatory criteria. This escalation mechanism signals a serious commitment to activating tools of economic justice and addressing the stagnation of commercial assets. Properties undergoing officially documented restoration or tied up in court proceedings are exempt, with each case reviewed individually to ensure fairness.
This intervention demonstrates the state’s commitment to balancing supply and demand through regulatory tools and its capacity to turn economic inefficiencies into opportunities for growth. Ultimately, this policy is poised to deliver wide-ranging economic and social benefits: reduced rental prices from increased market supply, incentives for landlords to lease at fair rates or start new ventures, and broader access for entrepreneurs and small businesses.
As the kingdom undergoes rapid economic transformation, bold ideas like regulating the vacant retail market represent smart, forward-thinking steps toward economic equity and a dynamic commercial ecosystem, further reinforcing Saudi Arabia’s push toward comprehensive development. – Firas Trabulsi
Translated by Asaf Zilberfarb. All assertions, opinions, facts, and information presented in these articles are the sole responsibility of their respective authors and are not necessarily those of The Media Line, which assumes no responsibility for their content.