President Joe Biden’s proposal for a road map to end the Hamas-Israel war highlights the differing primary goals of each side and gives Hamas a significant win: the terror group managed to convince the White House to demand that Israel end the war and leave Hamas in power in Gaza, even though dismantling Hamas has been Israel’s main objective since the October 7th massacre and the US on the surface supports this goal.
Hamas puts pressure on Israel to agree to the proposal by releasing hostage videos and simultaneously continuing its terrorist attacks against IDF soldiers in Gaza and Israeli civilians.
Rather than supporting Israel’s primary objective of defeating Hamas, President Biden’s approach puts ending the suffering of the Palestinians living in Gaza and releasing the hostages as the prime goals. He is also motivated by his goal of being reelected in November. Biden tries to persuade Israeli citizens to support his approach by emphasizing that Hamas’ power has declined and cannot be restored. He also suggests that his plan may improve the situation on Israel’s northern border, enhance Israel’s international status, and strengthen efforts to address the threat from the Islamic Republic of Iran.
But every Israeli citizen believes that unless Israel dismantles Hamas, the terror group will stop working towards its main objective: the destruction of Israel through terrorism.
Big Concessions, but Not a Permanent Ceasefire
The majority of Israelis back the first phase of the deal Biden presented, even with the heavy price they must pay. Most Israelis are also open to discussing the second and third stages of the deal but refuse to accept a ceasefire that leaves Hamas ruling Gaza, as Washington and Hamas demand. Israel is committed to securing the release of its hostages while ensuring that Gaza will no longer serve as a base for another October 7th-style massacre.
The term “cessation of hostilities permanently” in Biden’s plan is ambiguous enough to allow all parties to interpret it according to their respective goals. However, since it seems that Hamas and Biden share similar interpretations of a “cessation of hostilities permanently,” Israel’s ability to argue that it is not a permanent end of the war is going to be limited.
With its proposal, Israel has shown its willingness to pay a high price for the release of its hostages while avoiding unnecessary tension with the US. Even if Hamas responds positively to the proposal, Israel will have to stand by its demands, including dismantling Hamas at the end of the ceasefire, maintaining control of the Gaza Strip’s border with Egypt (the Philadelphi Corridor), and possibly allowing an alternative administrator for Hamas or agreeing to temporary Israeli civilian administration in the area.
Israel must explain to the Biden administration that any concession on these points means that Hamas has succeeded, which would have serious consequences for Israel and the West in dealing with the Palestinians, Iran, and its terror proxies throughout the Middle East.
To keep Israel on board, President Biden should take a stronger stance on Iran and against the legal assault on Israel at the ICC and ICJ. Taking firm actions against attempts to delegitimize Israel’s right to defend itself will help the President convince the Israeli public to support his push for a deal.
Israel’s position should be presented clearly during Prime Minister Netanyahu’s upcoming speech to Congress. This special session of Congress should be a historic opportunity to thank the United States and the American public for their support of the Jewish state, to detail Israel’s vision regarding relations with the Palestinians, to emphasize the Iranian threat, and finally, to refute the baseless accusations driving anti-Israel activity across America that also influence President Biden and some of his senior staff.
Brig. Gen. (Res.) Yossi Kuperwasser is the director of the Project on Regional Middle East Developments at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs (JCPA). He served as the head of the Research Division of the IDF Intelligence Directorate and the director-general of the Israeli Strategic Affairs Ministry.
This op-ed is published in partnership with a coalition of organizations that fight antisemitism across the world. Read the previous article by Leah Soibel.