How did Qatari money reach the prime minister's office? Netanyahu knows - opinion

At the end of the day, the facts matter - Eli Feldstein, the man who served as Netanyahu’s war spokesman during wartime, was paid by Qatar.

Benjamin Netanyhau seen with the flag and currency of the State of Qatar (illustrative) (photo credit: SHUTTERSTOCK, TOMER APPELBAUM/POOL)
Benjamin Netanyhau seen with the flag and currency of the State of Qatar (illustrative)
(photo credit: SHUTTERSTOCK, TOMER APPELBAUM/POOL)

The chief instigator of chaos and misinformation in Jewish history, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, released another video statement on Saturday evening - calling it a “dramatic revelation and a presentation of facts that will shake you.”

As if anything could still shock Israelis after the disasters he has orchestrated - from the judicial overhaul to the October 7 catastrophe, budgetary plundering, and the deepening exemption of ultra-Orthodox men from military service.

Netanyahu grants interviews only to foreign media or his privately-backed Channel 14, evading tough questions, bypassing Israeli media, and resorting to video releases - little more than compilations of distortions. So, what’s the so-called drama this time? Let’s analyze it, claim by claim.

Facts on Ronen Bar, 'Qatargate' contradict Netanyahu's claims

Netanyahu asserts that his distrust of Shin Bet head Ronen Bar “began on October 7, when the Shin Bet chief didn’t "wake me up!!" and it grew until Ronen’s removal from the hostage negotiation team.” However, the facts contradict him. The Shin Bet did sound the alarm that night. At 3 a.m., it issued a warning received by the IDF, Israel Police, the National Security Council (which reports to the prime minister), and even Netanyahu’s intelligence affairs secretary. A high-level discussion was convened at 4:30 a.m., during which Bar instructed that the summary be relayed to the IDF chief of staff’s bureau and the prime minister’s military secretary.

The real failure of the Shin Bet was not that “they didn’t wake him up” - but rather its misjudgment, along with the IDF, that Hamas was not planning a full-scale invasion. Bar has already indicated to his subordinates that he will not complete his term, acknowledging responsibility for the failure. Yet Netanyahu’s claim that “they didn’t wake me up” is demonstrably false. The alert went out as per protocol, including to the Prime Minister’s Office.

Eli Feldstein, a suspect in Qatargate, arrives at the Tel Aviv District Court, January 14, 2025 (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90)
Eli Feldstein, a suspect in Qatargate, arrives at the Tel Aviv District Court, January 14, 2025 (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90)

Netanyahu’s assertion that he dismissed Bar and Mossad chief Dedi Barnea over their alleged underperformance in hostage deal negotiations is highly suspect. The reality? Bar and Barnea, alongside Nitzan Alon, brokered both the minor and major hostage deals. That is precisely why they were removed. Since Ron Dermer took over, not a single hostage has been freed. Dermer’s only achievement was to arrange direct negotiations between the U.S. and Hamas (remember Adam Boehler?). In his resignation letter, Bar hinted at the real reason for his ousting: “I failed to recognize,” he wrote, “that perhaps Netanyahu never really wanted a deal.”

Netanyahu now claims, “I thought Bar’s tenure would end with the submission of the investigation reports.” Yet this supposed belief is nowhere to be found in his past statements. Instead, back in November - after firing Defense Minister Yoav Gallant - Netanyahu’s office explicitly denied any intention of removing Bar. So, was he lying then, or is he lying now? Most likely, both. Netanyahu lies as easily as he breathes, always adapting his narrative to fit the moment.

Netanyahu claims that the attorney-general’s decision to open an investigation into Qatargate on February 27 proves that it was “not dismissals intended to prevent an investigation, but an investigation intended to prevent the dismissals.” Yet the timeline contradicts this.

On February 10, Netanyahu formally demanded Bar submit his investigations. Coincidentally, this was the same day Channel 12’s Ofir Haddad revealed that Eli Feldstein - Netanyahu’s war affairs adviser - had received funds from Qatar. Netanyahu’s claim that his actions were unrelated to Qatargate crumbles under scrutiny.

Further revelations show that on February 9, Haddad had already sent an inquiry to the Prime Minister’s Office about Feldstein’s Qatari funding. In other words, Netanyahu was aware of the explosive report linking his closest advisers to Qatari money before issuing his ultimatum to Bar.


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Moreover, by February 15, the Shin Bet publicly confirmed that it had begun a review into Qatargate - days before the official investigation was greenlit. Netanyahu’s entire argument collapses when placed against this timeline.

At the end of the day, the facts matter. Qatar did fund Netanyahu’s advisers. The money was transferred. The intermediary admitted it. Feldstein, through his lawyers, confirmed it. The man who served as Netanyahu’s war spokesman during wartime was paid by Qatar.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu fixates on dates and conspiracy theories, ignoring the real issue: Is there any scenario where this should not be investigated? Does he truly expect the public to believe that Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara and Ronen Bar conspired with the Emir of Qatar a year ago to finance Feldstein - just so they could later use it as leverage to block their own dismissals?

The truth is far more damning: The person who actually asked Qatar to fund operations in the Middle East was none other than Netanyahu himself. Not to finance Feldstein - but to fund Hamas. And that is the investigation he is truly desperate to avoid.