Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi this week unveiled a comprehensive plan to overhaul Israel’s broadcasting landscape.
While presented as a reform aimed at modernizing outdated regulations and enhancing consumer choice, critics argue that the proposal bears a strong resemblance to legislative initiatives in Hungary under Viktor Orbán, raising concerns over press freedom and government influence on independent media.
The blueprint, nearly identical to a 2023 draft that was shelved in the wake of widespread protests against the judicial reform, is now being reintroduced under the guise of a populist campaign to challenge media monopolies.
At its core, however, the initiative seeks to dramatically reshape media regulation — and, some argue, politicize it.
Dissolving regulators and establishing new authority in Israel's media
One of the most significant structural changes proposed is the dismantling of Israel's Second Authority for Television and Radio and the Cable and Satellite Broadcasting Council. In its place, Karhi proposes a new regulatory body — one with consolidated authority over all broadcast platforms, including internet-based services.
Under the proposed structure, the Communications Minister will appoint five of the new authority’s seven members, and the roles of chairperson and CEO will be merged. Critics contend that this arrangement drastically reduces the independence of the regulatory body and brings it dangerously close to direct ministerial control.
This authority will also assume powers currently held by the Israel Competition Authority, including the ability to block mergers, revoke broadcast licenses, and approve or deny the establishment of online news operations by existing media entities.
Drawing comparisons to Orbán's Hungary
These sweeping powers have prompted observers to draw comparisons with Hungary’s media framework under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. There, a media council appointed by the ruling party wields control over licensing and mergers, effectively marginalizing dissenting voices through regulatory delays or rejections.
Karhi’s plan also introduces new punitive measures. A sanctions committee within the authority will be authorized to levy fines of at least 1% of a platform’s annual revenue for violations, such as failing to appoint a permanent news editor. Media outlets fear that such provisions could be used to exert financial pressure on critical news organizations.
Regulation of ratings and advertising in Karhi's proposal
Another contentious element of Karhi's reform involves the centralization of ratings data. The authority will have the power to mandate how viewership statistics are collected and published — a responsibility currently managed by a private industry committee. This data can influence government advertising allocations, potentially steering public funds toward politically aligned outlets, such as Channel 14, which has seen a sharp increase in public-sector advertising in recent years.
Failure to comply with these new data requirements could lead to multi-million shekel fines, raising concerns about state intrusion into private media operations. Parallel to this, the Knesset Economic Affairs Committee has begun reviewing legislation to nationalize the ratings system — a move seen by some as part of a broader effort to exert state control over media metrics.
Mandatory broadcast of new channels
The draft law also introduces a clause requiring all multi-channel television providers (including HOT, Yes, Cellcom TV, and Free TV) to broadcast any newly created news channel — regardless of its origin or content standards. This could open the door to fringe or partisan news sources gaining mainstream distribution. Platforms refusing to carry such content would face severe financial penalties.
In Hungary, similar provisions have led to media saturation by government-friendly outlets, as fines and bureaucratic hurdles weeded out opposition channels. The Israeli reform sets penalties on par with Hungary’s own framework, which allows for fines of up to €750,000 per offense.
Potential benefits to allied business interests
Though framed as consumer-friendly, the proposed reform appears to disproportionately benefit key Netanyahu-aligned business figures, including Yitzhak Mirilashvili, the controlling shareholder of Channel 14, and Patrick Drahi, the owner of HOT and international news channel i24.
Under the new rules, distribution platforms, which are historically reliant on subscription fees, will be allowed to insert advertisements and receive content from commercial channels without payment. This could undermine traditional broadcasters like Keshet 12 while bolstering competitors such as HOT. Notably, i24, which previously operated exclusively online, will now gain access to HOT’s cable subscribers, potentially reaching hundreds of thousands of new viewers and generating substantial advertising revenue.
Industry experts estimate this benefit could be worth approximately NIS 180 million annually to Drahi’s companies. Meanwhile, commercial broadcasters would be forced to provide their content for free — a development that could destabilize the current economic balance within the sector.
How will Karhi's proposal impact original content?
While Karhi argues that the reform will encourage innovation and diversity, some provisions may result in reduced investment in Israeli content. Under the plan, HOT and yes would see their obligations to invest in original productions halved — from 8% to 4% by 2026 — even as commercial channels remain subject to a 15% investment requirement.
The Communications Ministry also aims to compel OTT platforms (e.g., Cellcom, Partner, Free TV) and international streaming services (e.g., Netflix, Disney+) to invest in local content. While this aligns with global trends, experts question the feasibility of enforcing such a requirement on large multinational corporations, particularly under potential diplomatic pressures.
Eliminating structural separation between news outlets
A further notable change is the proposed elimination of the requirement for structural separation between news organizations and their commercial parent companies. The existing framework ensures editorial independence by mandating separate governance structures and financial firewalls. These rules are particularly relevant for Channels 12 and 13, which produce investigative journalism and have come under scrutiny from government figures.
Karhi’s plan would dissolve these safeguards entirely — a move that critics say opens the door to editorial influence by ownership and political interests. Channel 14, which is currently exempt from structural separation due to its revenue classification, stands to benefit the most. However, as the channel grows and surpasses the legal revenue threshold, the elimination of structural separation would allow it to continue operating under a less restrictive model.
Shifts in media policy
The legislation comes amid several other initiatives seen as targeting Israel’s media independence. The Ministerial Committee for Legislation is expected to review bills that would limit the operations of the Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation, dismantle its news division, and adjust advertising laws to favor Channel 14.
Taken together, these moves suggest a strategic shift in media policy — one that privileges political alignment and economic loyalty over journalistic independence. While Karhi’s reform may indeed update an outdated regulatory framework, the broader implications of centralizing control, politicizing oversight, and weakening critical voices warrant serious public debate.
As Israel grapples with complex internal and external challenges, safeguarding a pluralistic, independent press remains essential to the country’s democratic health.