The rare anti-Hamas demonstrations that took place over the past few days in Gaza against Hamas took many by surprise. In fact, they were so rare and surprising that analysts had a hard time seeing them as spontaneous or authentic.
They half-jokingly questioned whether the protests might have been orchestrated by Hamas, which has ruled the Gaza Strip with an iron fist for decades, quashing any form of dissent.
The demonstrations, which started in Beit Lahiya in the northern Gaza Strip, were certainly directed against the Israel-Hamas War. In extremely rare fashion, however, they also expressed direct rage at Hamas with slogans such as “Out, out, out! Hamas out!”
There was also direct criticism of Hamas leaders, such as Osama Hamdan, and even slogans such as “Free the prisoners to end the war” were heard – apparently referring to the Israeli hostages still being held by Hamas.
The protesters also criticized Qatar’s state-owned news channel, Al Jazeera, which has banned all criticism of Hamas throughout the war. Any interviewee who dared to point an accusing finger at the terrorist group was immediately taken off the air.
All of this was done in broad daylight. In well-documented videos, Hamas was held responsible for the war, and the protesters called on it to relinquish power. That undoubtedly raised the bar for global surprise.
Hamas’s opinion on the demonstrations could be gleaned from its senior figures and media outlets around the globe. Hamdan claimed, not surprisingly, that the demonstrations had been organized by Israel, thereby seeking to delegitimize them and prevent additional participants from joining.
Bassem Naim, another senior figure, told the Qatari Al-Arabi news channel: “Elements with agendas took control of the demonstrations” and tried to make it appear as if the Palestinian people had come out against the resistance and aspirations for independence.
In this way, Hamas, not surprisingly, decided to establish a rhetoric that conflates support for Hamas and true “Palestinianism,” creating an equation according to which a Palestinian who dares to oppose Hamas is a traitor and a collaborator with Israel.
Hamas- and Al Jazeera-affiliated media outlets chose at first to ignore the demonstrations. Then, they tried to focus on slogans that opposed Israel and the war and omitted the slogans of anger against Hamas.
Finally, Al Jazeera broadcasters were forced to note – in a very, very brief mention in one of the live broadcasts – that signs opposing the Hamas movement were also carried, without resorting to meanings, interpretations, or repercussions of such discourse.
Also on the media front, exiled Gazan anti-Hamas blogger, Hamza al-Masri, who quickly became the main source of distributing videos from the demonstrations, published a video containing his “will” after receiving numerous threats on his life from part of Hamas.
“I am very happy that I helped convey the true voice of the people,” Masri said. “For 18 years, Gaza was forbidden to speak, and finally you see Gaza speaking, without any masks. This is a victory, and I am happy. I would do it again.
“If Allah takes me, I will go happily, and you should be happy too. New threats have been put against me. But don’t worry about me. I don’t know if they will kill me or kidnap me, but I am proud.”
Certainly, these demonstrations of opposition to Hamas and the war should not be seen as a call for peace with Israel and recognition of the Jewish state.
The idea of “resistance,” including armed resistance against Israel, is still highly popular among Palestinians from all walks of life. Hamas’s Izzadin al-Qassam Brigades, for instance, are considered heroes by the vast majority of Gazans.
Protests against governmental ruling force of Hamas
Thus, the anti-Hamas sentiment expressed in these protests must be understood as directed not against the militias or the idea of resistance in and of itself, but rather against the civilian, governmental ruling force of Hamas.
In any case, even though Hamas’s opponents come in all forms and shapes, it will still be very difficult, if not impossible, to find parallels to the Israeli “peace camp” or supporters of the two-state solution.
At the same time, there is no need to resort to conspiracy theories and claim that Hamas organized these demonstrations. Nevertheless, it is certainly plausible that, at least down the road, the protesters will be given a green light in the hope that this will allow Gazans to let off steam, a well-known practice among autocratic regimes.
Israel, which appeared to have been taken by surprise by these demonstrations almost as much as Hamas was, reacted in a relatively blunt fashion: Defense Minister Israel Katz warned the Gazans about the IDF’s new plan for action in the Strip. Additional territory would be taken for Israel’s security needs as long as the hostages are not returned and Hamas does not relinquish power, he said.
Katz also called on Gazans to “learn from the residents of Beit Lahiya” and demand the removal of Hamas from power. That call will undoubtedly be used by Hamas activists who want to continue the line that conflates protest and treachery.
Undoubtedly, the fear barrier that prevailed in Gaza for 18 years of Hamas rule has been broken, and this is a significant development for both the Gazan public and the outside world.
Israel will have to act smartly: If it decides to embrace the protests too closely, it risks losing their legitimacy and authenticity in a way that will play into Hamas’s hands.
But if Israel chooses to sit on the sidelines and not act at all, the protests may dissolve or be suppressed, just like the “Bidna n’eesh” (“We want to live’) demonstrations that took place in the Gaza Strip a few years ago.
In any case, both Hamas and Israel are apparently facing a new reality in the Gaza Strip, which both sides will undoubtedly attempt to capitalize on as part of their endeavors to emerge victorious.