What stands in the way of Israel's national unity? - opinion

The question is whether we can somehow remain united despite our real differences in positions on many pertinent issues.

 A woman waves an Israeli flag as people gather during the event "100 days 100 voices" to mark 100 days since the October 7 Hamas attack, calling for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza, in front of the Opera Bastille in Paris, France, January 14, 2024 (photo credit: REUTERS/GONZALO FUENTES)
A woman waves an Israeli flag as people gather during the event "100 days 100 voices" to mark 100 days since the October 7 Hamas attack, calling for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza, in front of the Opera Bastille in Paris, France, January 14, 2024
(photo credit: REUTERS/GONZALO FUENTES)

When it comes to national unity, most advocates of the political Right usually mean that the Center/Left – whether liberal or social democratic – should adopt the positions of the political Right. In other words, national unity is understood by them to mean that the Center/Left should admit that it is wrong, and repent.

But what to do? The Center/Left, writ large, is as unlikely to admit that it is wrong as is the political Right, though there are individuals on both sides who are certainly having second thoughts.

Before delving into why national unity in Israel cannot be expected to be based on the whole of the Center/Left denuding itself of all its basic ideological and existential positions – on such issues as liberal democracy, humanism, equality, pluralism, international law, etc. – let us look at what we can agree on.

Most agree on the need for the existence of a secure Jewish state with security for all its inhabitants and that one of the tools for achieving this is the removal of Hamas as an effective fighting and governing force on the need to return the hostages (though not on its level of priority, or the price to be paid for its attainment), and on the necessity for Israel to remain a vibrant startup nation based on a strong and stable economy. However, we do not necessarily agree on how exactly all of these goals, and others, should be attained. 

For example, last Friday evening, a TV channel reported on a group of young activists operating on behalf of the remaining hostages held in the Gaza Strip. The group peacefully and calmly camped outside the homes of several senior ministers, seeking to speak to them about what could be done to release the hostages as rapidly as possible. 

 Protesters rallying in Tel Aviv to call for the release of the hostages held by Hamas in Gaza.  (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/ MAARIV)
Protesters rallying in Tel Aviv to call for the release of the hostages held by Hamas in Gaza. (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/ MAARIV)

Of the ministers, only Benny Gantz met with them, but he wasn’t very helpful. Arye Deri’s wife, Yaffa, came out to listen to what they had to say and shed a tear with them. However, when asked what could be done, she answered: “Pray to...” and pointed to the sky. 

Various issues divide the Israeli public - what can unite them?

Without being disparaging or contemptuous toward those who believe that Torah study and prayers are the most effective means to solve problems, including bringing the hostages home, the secular Center/Left cannot be expected to accept prayer as an alternative means to the government getting its act together and offering an acceptable solution, no matter how sincere the motives of those who believe in the power of prayers. 

This, incidentally, greatly complicates finding a satisfactory solution to the issue of military service for haredi men, who are neither prodigies nor full-time yeshiva students.

On the issue of renewed Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip, here again we are talking of basic principles on which large parts of both camps disagree. Part of the Right believes that the wishes of God are involved (Jewish settlement in all parts of the Land of Israel) together with a belief in creating facts on the ground. The opposite side says that the basic factors to be considered are realpolitik and international law.

As far as the Center/Left is concerned, what the extreme Right desires goes hand in hand with a transfer of the Palestinians from the Gaza Strip and perhaps eventually from Judea and Samaria as well. The fact that protesters from the extreme Right have been doing everything in their power to block humanitarian aid reaching the Gaza Strip through Israel is a warning signal for the Center/Left. 

Incidentally, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has kept mum on this issue, as on many other issues in public dispute.

THE REMAINING hostages, both dead and alive, are another critical issue on which the sides are divided. On this, Netanyahu does appear to have sided with the more extreme Right, which opposes any of the compromises that Israel has been offered so far, through the mediators, for their return.

As we discovered several days ago, some of the hostages, who are no longer alive, were murdered on Israeli territory on October 7, and their bodies were taken to the Gaza Strip. The bodies of four slain hostages have been returned for burial in Israel.

However, some of the hostages were killed, murdered, or died due to poor health after being abducted. This suggests that for the remaining live hostages, time is running out. Most of the hostages’ families and members of the Center/Left are not convinced that everything is being done by the government to try to release the hostages, before it is too late.

If the unforeseen will occur, our security forces locate Yahya Sinwar and apprehend him, dead or alive – dayenu. However, according to The New York Times, American officials believe Sinwar is in a tunnel in Khan Yunis, while the Israeli government appears to believe he is in Rafah. 

What everyone seems to agree on is that he is surrounded by living Israeli hostages, who might be compromised if we reach Sinwar. No matter what, the hostages’ families and the Center/Left are unwilling to drop the issue for the sake of “domestic peace.”

Another issue on which we are divided concerns Israel’s relations with the rest of the world in general, and our closest allies in particular. The Center/Left advocates moderation in the way we confront disagreements with all these factors, while the Right, including Netanyahu, is inclined to aggravate the situation, while bragging that we can survive on our own, even if it means “fighting with our fingernails.”

Again, how can one insist on unity between Right and Left when dealing with this issue, when it is an “either or” path that must be chosen?

Then there are the government’s anti-democratic reforms, which were undoubtedly slowed down as a result of the Kaplan protests before October 7 but are still continuing at a snail’s pace – whether on the issue of the elections of Supreme Court justices, the weakening of gatekeepers (legal advisers are being targeted), the gradual downgrading of the quality of civil servants in general, or deliberate moves to “punish” Israel’s Arab citizens. 

Furthermore, the Israeli police are progressively being subjugated to the whims of National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. Even though the fighting in the Gaza Strip has intensified again, and the northern front is moving closer to a full-scale war, the Kaplan demonstrations have reemerged, and the Center/Left demonstrators are being confronted with increasingly brutal police actions.

The question is whether we can somehow remain united despite our real differences in positions on many pertinent issues. We have already proven that our soldiers and officers can fight together in unison despite their differences. The same goes for numerous private citizens who, since October 7, have offered assistance to others without asking them first about their political affiliations or ideological positions.

Where change is urgently needed is with regard to the fiery and frequently incitement rhetoric and writings of too many of our political leaders, media personalities, and social media contributors – rhetoric that deliberately contributes to disunity. The culprits come from both the Right and Center/Left, each side accusing the other of being more culpable.

The $64,000 question is how such a change can be brought about.

The writer worked in the Knesset for many years as a researcher, and has published extensively both journalistic and academic articles on current affairs and Israeli politics. Her most recent book, Israel’s Knesset Members – A Comparative Study of an Undefined Job, was published by Routledge.